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One of Donald Trump鈥檚 favorite politicians is the Hungarian authoritarian leader Viktor Orb谩n.
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By
Visiting Scholar 2023-2024 (Spring 2024)
Introduction
听, who presided over the radical decline of democracy in his country, is scheduled to meet with former President Donald Trump, now the presumptive GOP presidential nominee, at Trump鈥檚 Mar-a-Lago resort on March 8, 2024.
Orb谩n has been听听since 2010. Under his leadership, the country became the first nondemocracy in the European Union 鈥 an 鈥,鈥 as Orb谩n proudly declared. Trump expressed his admiration for Orb谩n and his authoritarian moves during their meeting at the White House in 2019.
鈥淵ou鈥檙e respected all over Europe. Probably, like me, a little bit controversial, but that鈥檚 OK,鈥澨. 鈥淵ou鈥檝e done a good job and you鈥檝e kept your country safe.鈥
I鈥檝e followed their mutual romance with illiberalism for a long time. Although I am now in the U.S.听, I was听听in 2010 when Orb谩n鈥檚 rule started.
As the U.S. braces for a potential second Trump presidency, Americans may rightly wonder: Would Trump鈥檚 America mirror Orb谩n鈥檚 Hungary in its slide toward authoritarianism?
Authoritarianism from Within
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I can still feel the pleasant spring breeze on my skin as I walked up the National Assembly鈥檚 stairs in my freshly bought suit. As newly elected members of Parliament, my Green Party colleagues and I stepped into our roles with high hopes and detailed plans to fix Hungary鈥檚 ailing economy and move toward sustainability.
I also remember the cold winter day a year and half later when we听. It was a demonstration against the hollowing of parliamentary work and democratic backsliding under Orb谩n鈥檚 rule.
If the parliament is the political home of democracy, Hungary鈥檚 was vacant by 2012.
Orb谩n and his party in power hijacked democratic institutions. The nationwide right-wing media network is a crucial component of this authoritarian power. As the Voice of America听, Orb谩n鈥檚 allies 鈥渉ave created a pervasive conservative media ecosystem that dominates the airwaves and generally echoes the positions of the Orb谩n government.鈥
His government gerrymandered local districts and allowed voters to听, both aimed at favoring Orb谩n and his party. The government also staffed听, ensuring that any misconduct by those in power stays hidden.
Republicans in the U.S. have followed a similar trajectory with their support of Trump as his rhetoric听. Trump says if he wins the election, he wants to be听. A recent poll shows that听听said it would be a good idea for Trump to 鈥渂e a dictator only on the first day of his second term.鈥
Orb谩n has spent years听, ensuring its rulings are听. While still an independent institution, the U.S. Supreme Court 鈥 with听听鈥 has become a pillar of Trumpism, handing down rulings overturning the听听and听.
Fox, OANN, and other right-wing media ensure that large parts of America see听.
Authoritarian populists tilt the democratic playing field to favor themselves and their personal and political interests. Subverting democracy from the inside without violent repression allows leaders like Orb谩n and Trump to pretend they are democratic. This authoritarianism from within creates chokepoints, where the opposition isn鈥檛 crushed, but it has a hard time breathing.
No Democracy with Division
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How can strongmen get away with these antidemocratic politics? If there is one lesson from Hungary, it is this: Democracy is not sustainable in a divided society where many are left behind economically.
The real power of authoritarian populists like Trump and Orban lies not in the institutions they hijack but in the novel electoral support coalition they create.
They bring together two types of supporters. Some hardcore, authoritarian-right voters are motivated by bigotry and hatred rooted in their fear of globalization鈥檚 cultural threats. However, the most successful right-wing populist forces听听hurt by globalization鈥檚 economic threats.
Throughout the 20th century, Democrats in the U.S. and left-of-center parties in Europe provided a political home for those fearing economic insecurity. This fostered a political system that engendered equality and a healthy social fabric, giving people reason to care for liberal democratic institutions.
However, when the economy fails to deliver,听听morphs into an apathy toward liberal democracy.
If the liberal center appears uncaring, authoritarian populists can mobilize voters against both the cultural and economic听.
In Hungary, the first signs of authoritarianism appeared in economically left-behind rural areas and provincial small and medium towns well before Orb谩n鈥檚 2010 victory. While these provincial towns suffered from increasing mortality, deindustrialization and income loss, the parties of the liberal center continued to sing hymns about the benefits of globalization, detached from the everyday experience of economic insecurity.
As I showed in my book, neglecting this suffering was the democratic center鈥檚听.
By today, Hungary鈥檚 liberal and left-of-center parties have retreated to the biggest cities, leaving their former provincial political strongholds up for grabs for the radical right. The same is taking place in the U.S., with the听听and nonmetropolitan America.
The success of authoritarian populism in Hungary might seem disheartening. However, there is a silver lining: Those committed to democracy in the U.S. still have time to learn from Hungary鈥檚 mistakes.
Originally by , 03.07.2024, under the terms of a license.